Updated: Andy Vajna

Andy (András) Vajna is one of the most powerful business oligarchs in Hungary.

Vajna owns eleven television stations, three daily newspapers, one radio station, five casinos and is co-owner of the Korda Studios film-studio complex located outside Budapest.

Vajna has served as the Orbán government’s commissioner for development of the national film industry since 2011 (sources A and B in Hungarian).

Vajna appeared in the annual napi.hu ranking of the 100 richest Hungarians for the first time in 2016, placing number 16 with estimated wealth of 44 billion forints, or around 142 million euros. Vajna remained ranked in this position in both 2017 and 2018 with estimated wealth of 60 billion forints and 69 billion forints, respectively (source in Hungarian).


Vajna was born in Budapest, though emigrated to the United States at the age of 12 with his family following the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. In the United States, Vajna became a successful filmmaker, producing the Rambo movies and some of the Terminator movies, among many others.

Vajna moved back to Hungary in 2010, the year Viktor Orbán returned to power as prime minister (source in English).


In 2014, the Vajna-owned company Las Vegas Casino Ltd. won government concessions to run all five casinos permitted to operate in Budapest and surrounding Pest County (source in Hungarian).

Las Vegas Casino generated after-tax profit of 7.3 billion forints (23.6 million euros) in 2017, up from after-tax profit of 6.5 billion forints in 2016, 6.1 billion forints in 2015 and 3.1 billion forints in 2014 (sources AB and C in Hungarian).

In May 2017, a subsidiary of Las Vegas Casino began operating the first Hungary-based online casino after the country’s National Tax and Customs Authority (NAV) awarded the Vajna-owned company a seven-year license to conduct such business activity without calling an public tender (source in Hungarian).

Television Stations

Vajna purchased the TV2 Media Group in October 2015 (source in Hungarian). Vajna financed his purchase of the company partially through loans from the state-owned Hungarian Import-Export Bank and MKB Bank (sources A and B in Hungarian).

The TV2 Media Group operates the entertainment and news channel TV2, the sports channel Spíler TV, the movie channel Mozi+ and eight other channels (source in Hungarian).The TV2 Media Group will launch four new channels in 2018 (source in Hungarian).

TV2 has become a vehicle for the dissemination of government propaganda under the supervision of the Prime Minister Orbán’s unofficial chief strategic adviser Árpád Habony since Vajna’s acquisition of the station (sources ABC, D and E in Hungarian).

Vajna denied that Habony exercises any influence over TV2’s programming, though he did acknowledge that he regards the prime minister’s strategic adviser as a “friend” (source in Hungarian).

On April 10, 2018, Hungary’s National Election Committee fined TV2 3.45 million forints (11,100 euros) for violation of stipulation in the Media Laws requiring neutral news reporting after station’s journalists published a Facebook video four days earlier in which they said that they would vote for Fidesz in the impending National Assembly election (source in Hungarian).

The TV2 Media Group recorded revenue of 34.5 billion forints in 2017, up from 23.7 billion forints in 2016. However, the company sustained after-tax losses of over 2 billion forints in 2017 and after-tax losses of 7.2 billion forints in 2016 (source in Hungarian).

Radio Station

Vajna launched the popular-music radio station Rádió 1 on June 1, 2016 (source in Hungarian). In early 2018, Rádió 1 had the highest number of listeners among all commercial radio stations in Hungary and the third-highest number of listeners among all radio stations in the country behind the public stations Petőfi Rádió and Kossuth Rádió (source in Hungarian).

Rádió 1 generated 2.8 billion forints in revenue in 2017 (source in Hungarian).


In mid-2017, Vajna acquired Lapcom Ltd., the company that owns the daily tabloid Bors and the regional daily newspapers Dél Magyarország and Kisalföld (source in Hungarian).

Vajna and fellow oligarch Lőrinc Mészáros therefore operate 15 of the 18 county-based regional newspapers published in Hungary (source in Hungarian).

Lapcom Ltd. recorded after-tax losses of 636 million forints on revenue of 10.5 billion forints in 2017 (source in English).

Korda Studios

Korda Studios generated revenue of 1.1 billion forints in 2017 (source in Hungarian).

Government Film Industry Commissioner

More people have been watching Hungarian films at movie theaters since Andy Vajna became the Orbán government’s commissioner for development of the national film in 2011: in 2017, 1.28 million people attended screenings of the ten most popular Hungarian feature films, compared to just under 344,000 people in 2011 (source in Hungarian).


Updated: Lajos Simicska

Lajos Simicska was regarded as the most powerful oligarch in Hungary from the time Viktor Orbán formed his second government in 2010 until his dramatic public rift with the prime minister in 2015 (see The Fury of an Oligarch Scorned).

Lőrinc Mészáros has supplanted Simicska as the most powerful oligarch in Hungary since the latter year.

Following his rupture with Orbán, Simicska turned against the FideszChristian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) governing alliance and began to openly support the nationalist party Jobbik.

The term oligarch in its contemporary, Eastern European sense denotes a businessman (and rarely a businesswoman) who acquires significant wealth and political influence through his (or her) connections and allegiance to the government and uses this wealth and influence to provide the government with various means of support.


Simicska was born in the city of Székesfehérvár (central Hungary, pop. 98,000) in 1960.

He attended the same high school in Székesfehérvár as Viktor Orbán, graduating in 1979—two years before the future prime minister of Hungary.

Simicska and Orbán then performed their mandatory service in the Hungarian People’s Army together in the city of Zalaegerszeg (western Hungary, pop. 60,000) in the years 1981–1982 (see Siss-boom-BANG!)

Simicska—as Orbán—subsequently attended the Loránd Eötvös University School of Law and Political Sciences in Budapest in the 1980s, though it is not known if Simicska graduated. While at the university, Simicska and Orbán both lived at the special residence hall for law students called the Bibó College (Bibó Szakkollégium). Simicska participated in the formation and early activities of Fidesz at the Bibó College, though was not among the 37 founding members of the party in 1988.

Political Career

Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and ÁPEH President Lajos Simicska in March 1999 (photo: MTI).

Simicska assumed his first formal political position in 1993, when he became financial director of Fidesz (source in Hungarian). He then served as president of Hungary’s internal revenue service ÁPEH for just over a year at the time of the first Orbán government in 1998 and 1999.

Simicska did not appear in public for a period of 15 years from the time of his resignation as president of ÁPEH in August 1999 until attending the official inauguration of an equestrian center in western Hungary in September 2014. The weekly Magyar Narancs published the first updated photograph of Simicska in over 13 years on the magazine’s cover in December 2012.

Business Activities  

Simicska spent the next decade quietly building an opaque business empire centered on the formerly state-owned construction company Közgép (“Public Machine”). Simicska was so secretive about his business activities that although it had long been speculated that he had acquired a majority stake in Közgép, definitive proof that he actually owned the company emerged only in documentation submitted as part of a public tender in 2012 (source in Hungarian).

During this period, Simicska also acquired partial or total ownership over broadcast and print media including the news television station Hír TV, the radio stations Lánchíd Rádió and Class FM, the daily newspaper Magyar Nemzet, the weekly news magazine Heti Válasz and the weekday free sheet Metropol. These media explicitly supported Viktor Orbán and Fidesz.

In addition to construction and media, Simicska focused his business activities on outdoor-advertising, primarily via the companies Mahir Cityposter and Publimont.

Becoming an Oligarch

Simicska attained immense wealth following the return of Viktor Orbán to power as prime minister in 2010, primarily through the large number of state construction contracts awarded to Közgép beginning that year.

Közgép won 179.4 billion forints in public tenders from 2010 through 2013: 1.2 billion forints in 2010; 31.6 billion forints in 2011; 17.6 billion forints in 2012; and 129 billion forints in 2013 (source in Hungarian).

Közgép’s revenue rose almost threefold from 44.8 billion forints in 2010 to 129.8 billion forints in 2014 (source in Hungarian).

Simicska’s pro-Fidesz news media—Hír TV, Lánchíd Rádió, Magyar Nemzet and Heti Válasz— also began to generate significant profit during this period, much of which proceeded from government advertising. The aggregate post-tax profit of these four media nearly doubled from 876 million forints in 2012 to 1.7 billion forints in 2014 (source in Hungarian).

Simicska was ranked the tenth-richest person in Hungary in 2015 with estimated wealth of 73 billion forints (source in Hungarian). He had not previously appeared in the annual Napi Gazdaság ranking of the 100 wealthiest Hungarians due to the lack of transparency surrounding his business operations.

See entire article.


Updated: Lőrinc Mészáros

Lőrinc Mészáros.

Lőrinc Mészáros has become the most powerful business oligarch in Hungary since the dramatic rift between Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and Lajos Simicska in 2015 (see The Fury of an Oligarch Scorned).

Mészáros served as the FideszChristian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP)–supported mayor of Orbán’s home village of Felcsút, located about 25 kilometers west of Budapest, from 2011 until 2018, when he resigned from this position “in order to concentrate exclusively on his economic interests” (source in Hungarian).

Football Friendship with Orbán 

Mészáros began operating a small gas-fitting company in Felcsút (population 1,800) beginning in the 1990s. He became acquainted with Viktor Orbán through their common interest in football.

In 2007, Orbán appointed Mészáros to serve as president of the Ferenc Puskás Football Academy (Puskás Ferenc Labdarúgó Akadémia) that the former and future prime minister had founded in Felcsút the previous year (source in Hungarian; see also One Man’s Plaything).

The Ferenc Puskás Football Academy sponsors the Puskás Academy FC football team that will play in the first division of the Hungarian professional football league during the 2018–2019 season.

Puskás Academy FC plays its home matches at the modern, 3,500-seat Pancho Arena built in Felcsút at a cost of 3.8 billion forints and opened in 2014 across the street from Prime Minister Orbán’s weekend home (source in Hungarian).

The Orbán II Era Brings Riches  

Lőrinc Mészáros and Viktor Orbán watch a football match in Felcsút in 2013 (photo: MTI).

Lőrinc Mészáros and Viktor Orbán watch a football match in Felcsút in 2013 (photo: MTI).

Lőrinc Mészáros has become the second wealthiest person in Hungary since Viktor Orbán returned to power as prime minister in 2010 after his gas-fitting company Mészáros and Mészáros nearly went bankrupt in 2007 (source in Hungarian).

Mészáros increased the number of companies he owns from one—Mészáros and Mészáros—in 2010 to 203 in January 2018 (sources AB and C in Hungarian).

These 203 companies include the following: media company MediaWorks Hungary; hotel company Hunguest Hotels; Lake Balaton tourism company Balaton Tourist; and insurance company CIG Pannonia (sources A and B in Hungarian).

The share values of the four Mészáros-owned companies that trade at the Budapest Stock Exchange—Appeninn, CIG Pannonia Life Insurance, Konzum and Opus Global—rose sharply immediately following the victory of the Fidesz-KDNP alliance in the National Assembly election held in Hungary on April 8, 2018 (source in Hungarian).

The opposition website atlatszo.hu calculated based on an examination of official documentation that in the eight years from the beginning of 2010 through the end of 2017, nine companies operating under the ownership of Mészáros, his wife, children, brother and son-in-law had won public tenders worth 476 billion forints, or 1.55 billion euros at an average exchange rate of 307.1 (source in Hungarian). According to atlatszo.hu, the European Union financed 83.3 percent of the public tenders that these Mészáros-affiliated companies won during the period 2010–2017.

According to atlatszo.hu, companies that operate under the ownership of Mészáros and his children won public tenders worth 139.9 billion forints (450 million euros) during the first quarter of 2018 (source in Hungarian).

The atlatszo.hu data thus indicates that Mészáros-affiliated companies won public tenders worth nearly 500 billion forints (1.62 billion euros at an average exchange rate of 310.4) from the time of the Orbán-Simicska rift at the beginning of 2015 through first quarter of 2018 (sources A and B in Hungarian).

The Second Wealthiest Person in Hungary

Lőrinc Mészáros was ranked the second-richest person in Hungary in 2018 behind OTP Bank Chairman-CEO Sándor Csányi with estimated wealth of 280 billion forints, or slightly more than 905 million euros at the average 2017 exchange rate (source in Hungarian). Mészáros has generated an exponential increase in wealth since he first appeared on the annual napi.hu list of the 100 richest Hungarians in 2014 (see table below).

Source in Hungarian: napi.hu.

In April 2014, Mészáros said during an interview: “That I have been able to come so far, God, luck and the person of Viktor Orbán have certainly played a role, though I never privatized and I never took anything—I acquired everything through my work and my mind” (source in Hungarian).

Concessions to Sell Tobacco

Mészáros, members of his family and his business interests won concessions to sell tobacco at the 19 Auchan grocery stores in Hungary under the state monopoly on the retail sale of tobacco that the Orbán government introduced in 2013 (source in Hungarian).

State Land Purchases

In December 2015, Mészáros, his wife, his two daughters and his brother purchased 1,391 hectares (114 square kilometers) of land in the vicinity of Felcsút for 1.9 billion forints in a state land auction (source in Hungarian).

Purchase of Mediaworks Hungary

On October 25, 2016, Opimus Press—an offshore-owned company over which Mészáros exercises either indirect or direct influence—purchased Mediaworks Hungary from Vienna Capital Partners for an undisclosed price (sources A and B in Hungarian). Mediaworks Hungary owns 12 of the 19 regional dailies published in Hungary as well as the rights to the daily national newspaper Népszabadság, which Vienna Capital Partners stopped publishing on October 8, 2016 (see The Demise of People’s Freedom).

Mediaworks Hungary publishes both the print and on-line editions of the economic daily Világgazdaság, the sports daily Nemzeti Sport and 14 of the 20 regional newspapers in Hungary (source in Hungarian).

In 2017, Mediaworks Hungary posted after-tax profit of 4.3 billion forints on revenue of 20.4 billion forints (source in English).

Purchase of NK Osijek

In 2016, Mészáros purchased a majority stake in the Croatian First Football League club NK Osijek (source in Hungarian). Mészáros and co-owner Ivan Meštrović are building a new, 35–50-million-euro stadium for the team (sources A and B in Hungarian).

Purchase of Echo TV

On December 1, 2016, Mészáros purchased the pro-government television station Echo TV from fellow oligarch Gábor Széles (source in Hungarian).

Purchase of the Mátra Power Plant

In March 2018, Mészáros acquired indirect ownership over the Mátra Power Plant, which generates the second largest amount of electricity in Hungary behind the Paks Nuclear Power Plant (sources A, B, C and D in Hungarian).

Adriatic Villas and Yacht

In 2015, Mészáros purchased villas on the Croatian islands of Vir and Ugljan at an estimated cost of 2.5 million euros (sources A, B and C in Hungarian). Mészáros keeps a 4.5-million-euro yacht at the nearby port of Zadar (sources A and B in Hungarian).

Lőrinc Mészáros climbs aboard his yacht at the Adriatic port of Zadar in August 2016 (photo: 444.hu).

Orbán’s Front Man?  

The opposition to the Fidesz-KDNP government has accused Mészáros as serving as a front man in charge of building a post-politics football-economic imperium for Prime Minister Orbán in his home village of Felcsút.

In April 2016, Jobbik President Gábor Vona asked Prime Minister Orbán during a session of the National Assembly: “Is Lőrinc Mészáros your front man [stróman] or not?” Orbán answered: “I have never had a front man of any kind, nor will I ever” (source in Hungarian).


New: European Union Net Funding to Hungary, 2011–2016

The European Union provided Hungary with 26.54 billion euros in net funding (gross funding from the EU budget minus contributions to the EU budget) during the first six years in which the second and third Orbán governments were in power for the entire year (2011–2016).

Hungary’s average population was 9.9 million in the years 2011–2016 (source in English). Hungary thus received per-capita net funding of 2,681 euros over this six-year period.

Source: European Commission data on “operating budget balance” for the years 2007–2013 and 2014–2020.

Hungary received the highest amount of per-capita net European Union funding among all 28 EU member states in the years 2011–2016. During this six-year period, 17 member states of the European Union were net recipients of funding from the EU (see table below), while 11 member states were net financial contributors to the EU.

Sources: European Commission data on “operating budget balance” for the years 2007–2013 and 2014–2020; and Trading Economics population data.

Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has claimed that European Union funding to Hungary serves to counterbalance the profit that Western companies derive as the result of the opening of the country’s markets to them. Prime Minister Orbán said during an interview published in the pro-government daily newspaper Magyar Idők on December 24, 2015 (source in Hungarian):

It is worthwhile to clarify whether we are really getting their [the European Union’s] money. After forty years of communism, central Europe undertook competition with the capital-rich big Western companies. We opened our markets in such a way as to provide Western companies with an enormous advantage and they were able to gain profit-generating positions in our economies that we could never acquire in theirs. In spite of the legal possibility of competition, the difference in the scale of capital has long made this an illusion. We get the sums [of money] that we get in order to counterbalance this. Moreover, the business profit that leaves Hungary for the West reaches the magnitude of the amount of support that arrives from there.

Germany was the greatest net financial contributor to the European Union in the years 2011–2016. During this period, Germany made a per-capita net financial contribution of 945 euros to the EU (see sources A, B and C in English).


Scenes from the Opposition Demonstration

On April 21, 2018, the Facebook group Mi vagyunk a többség (We Are the Majority) held an opposition demonstration in Budapest. The demonstration drew tens of thousands of participants, though was somewhat smaller than the demonstration the group held in the city one week earlier.

Participants from across the political spectrum attended the demonstration—a new phenomenon in Hungary, where the opposition to the Orbán government has been fragmented into nationalist, socialist, liberal and green factions that do not cooperate with one another.

The main speaker: Mayor Péter Márki-Zay of Hódmezővásárhely, a city in southern Hungary that was considered an unassailable Fidesz bastion until he won a mayoral by-election there in February 2018 as an opposition independent.

The main explicit message of the demonstration: “You are the new opposition!”

The main implicit message of the demonstration: opposition must be extended from Budapest to the “countryside” (vidék) in order to have any chance of defeating the Fidesz-Christian Democratic People’s Party governing alliance.

The most sobering message of the demonstration (from journalist Réka Kinga Papp): “I must note that I already stood here on a stage [at an opposition demonstration] seven years ago, on October 23, 2011.  And the end of the crowd wasn’t visible then either. I didn’t suspect that seven years later we would be demonstrating against the same political power. I would be very happy if seven years from now we were able to go out onto the streets to celebrate a success.”

The most poignant symbolic occurrence: the “Ode to Joy”–based anthem of the European Union played at the end of the demonstration—following the national anthem of Hungary.

Below are some photos from the demonstration.

Click on any photo for gallery view.

See all 24 photos.


New: 2018 National Assembly Election

National Assembly seats won in 2018 general election.

The FideszChristian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) alliance won its third-consecutive two-thirds majority in the National Assembly of Hungary in the general election held in the county on April 8, 2018.

Fidesz-KDNP won 133, or 66.8 percent, of the 199 seats in the National Assembly. This two-thirds majority will again enable the governing alliance to pass so-called cardinal laws (sarkalatos törvények), including those amending the Fundamental Law of Hungary, without support from National Assembly opposition parties.

Five opposition parties won 64 seats in the National Assembly: the nationalist party Jobbik won 26 seats; the Hungarian Socialist Party-Dialogue for Hungary alliance won 20 seats; the social-liberal party Democratic Coalition won 9 seats; the green-liberal party Politics Can Be Different won 8 seats; and the liberal party Together won 1 seat.

An opposition independent, former Hungarian Central Statics Office director Tamás Mellár, and the National Self-Government of Germans in Hungary won the remaining two seats in the National Assembly.

In comparison to the 2014 National Assembly election, Fidesz-KDNP won the same number of seats in the 2018 National Assembly election, while the Democratic Coalition gained five seats, Jobbik and Politics Can Be Different gained three seats, Together lost two seats and the Hungarian Socialist Party and Dialogue for Hungary, which contested the 2014 election separately, lost ten seats.

Voters cast two ballots in National Assembly elections in Hungary—one for an individual candidate in their electoral district and one for a party at the national level. Of the 199 seats in the National Assembly of Hungary, 106 are derived from elections between individual candidates in an equal number of electoral districts in the country, while 93 are derived from votes for parties at the national level.

Results of 2018 National Assembly election in electoral districts outside Budapest.

In the 2018 National Assembly Election, Fidesz-KDNP candidates defeated their opposition rivals in 91 of 106 electoral districts in Hungary. Fidesz-KDNP candidates won in 85 of 88 electoral districts located outside of Budapest, though won in only 6 of 18 electoral districts in Budapest.

Opposition candidates defeated their Fidesz-KDNP rivals in 14 electoral districts: Hungarian Socialist Party-Dialogue for Hungary candidates in 7 Budapest districts and 1 Szeged district; Democratic Coalition candidates in 3 Budapest districts; Politics Can Be Different and Together candidates in 1 Budapest district each; a Jobbik candidate in the single Dunaújváros district; and independent candidate Tamás Mellár in a Pécs district.

Fidesz-KDNP won 49.6 percent of votes cast for parties in the 2018 National Assembly election, while the seven main opposition parties won 49.2 percent of votes and minor parties, most of them so-called sham parties (kamupárt in Hungarian) that participated in the election exclusively in order to obtain government campaign-funding, received 0.2 percent of the votes.

Of the seven main opposition parties, Jobbik received 19.2 percent of all party votes cast, while the Hungarian Socialist Party-Dialogue for Hungary alliance received 12 percent, Politics Can Be Different received 7.1 percent, the Democratic Coalition received 5.4 percent, the Momentum Movement 3.1 percent, the Hungarian Two-Tailed Dog Party 1.7 percent and Together 0.7 percent.

Results of 2018 National Assembly election in electoral districts in Budapest

Fidesz-KDNP won 42 of the 93 National Assembly seats distributed proportionally to parties via the party lists based on the number of votes cast for the parties at the national level plus the number of so-called fragmentary votes (töredékszavazat) cast for candidates affiliated with the parties in the individual electoral districts—that is, those votes cast for losing candidates in the electoral districts as well as those cast for winning candidates beyond the one vote needed for victory over the second-place candidate.

Opposition parties won 50, or 53.8 percent, of the 93 National Assembly seats distributed to parties based on the number of votes cast for parties plus the number of fragmentary votes. Jobbik won 25 of these 50 seats, while the Hungarian Socialist Party-Dialogue for Hungary alliance won 12, Politics Can Be Different won 7 and the Democratic Coalition won 6.

the National Self-Government of Germans in Hungary won the remaining seat in the National Assembly distributed via party votes.

The opposition parties Momentum Movement, the Hungarian Two-Tailed Dog Party and Together failed to receive the minimum of five percent of all votes cast for parties in order to gain seats in the National Assembly via party and fragmentary votes.

Fidesz-KDNP won 96.2 percent of the 224,564 votes that Hungarian citizens who do not have a permanent address in Hungary cast via mail in the 2018 National Assembly election. Around 60 percent of such Hungarian citizens who registered to vote via mail were from the two countries surrounding Hungary that permit dual citizenship—Romania and Serbia (source in Hungarian).

A total of 70.2 percent of all eligible voters in Hungary participated in the 2018 National Assembly election, up from 61.2 percent from the 2014 National Assembly election.

Source of data (in Hungarian): website of the National Election Office.


Pre-Election Sampler from the Freesheets

Below are scanned images from the final two issues of the free daily newspaper Lokál and the final issue of the free weekly newspaper Lokál Extra published before the April 8 National Assembly election in Hungary.

The 12-page Lokál has a daily circulation of 150,000 copies and is distributed at public-transportation, railway and inter-city bus stations in Budapest. The 24-page Lokál Extra has a circulation of 1,160,000 copies and is delivered to homes and residential buildings in Budapest and 24 other cities in Hungary (source in Hungarian).

The newspapers operate under the ownership of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s chief strategic adviser Árpád Habony and former legal adviser Tibor Győri.

The free newspapers derive a significant proportion of their revenue from publicly financed advertisements for the Orbán government or state-owned companies such as the Hungarian Electrical Works, Hungarian State Railways and lottery company Szerencsejáték.  

Both free newspapers overtly support the Orbán government and the FideszChristian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) governing coalition.

Most of the articles published in Lokál and Lokál Extra just before the April 8 National Assembly election promoted the campaign strategy and platform of the Orbán government and the Fidesz-KDNP alliance, portraying Muslim migration as a grave security, cultural and religious threat to Hungary and depicting Prime Minister Orbán and the parties under his command as the political forces that are willing and able to defend the country from this menace and the opposition parties and their leaders as the pawns of Hungarian-American investor and philanthropist George/György Soros and the local proponents of his alleged pro-migration policies known collectively as the Soros Plan.

Appearing underneath the scanned images of pages from Lokál and Lokál Extra are translations of the main titles and some of the secondary titles from the given page as well as excerpts from the text of some of the attending articles.

Note that Gábor Vona, who is the subject of many of the articles appearing below, is the president of the opposition party Jobbik.

Click on images to enlarge.


Lokál, April 6, page 1

 Viktor Orbán: “There is going to be a big battle this weekend. Nobody should stay at home.” 

This Sunday Two Times Fidesz


Lokál, April 5 and April 6, page 2

 Orbán government campaign advertisement showing a stop sign superimposed on a dense column of migrants marching through the countryside somewhere along the Balkan migration route in 2015.


Lokál, April 5, page 3

Soros’s Candidates SAID NO to the Fence

“They are lying. This summarizes the electoral machinations of the opposition. These political officials are eating from György Soros’s plate and can hardly wait to win on Sunday so they can open the way for migrants to come pouring into Hungary.”


Lokál, April 6, page 7

 A Migrant Murdered a Women Who Wanted to Help Him

“A Somalian migrant stabbed to death a 22-year-old woman who was helping refugees at the reception camp in Mölndal in southern Sweden.”

Facts About Migration

“There are 186 no-go zones in Sweden, of which 55 are particularly dangerous. Migrants rape one in eight Swedish women. The number of sex crimes has risen 26 percent in Austria and 670 percent in Leipzig because of migrants. People of ‘foreign background’ commit one out of two crimes in Australia. Migrants commit 93 out of every 100 crimes in Germany. The number of crimes has risen 10.4 percent as a result of this. Migrants attacked 1,035 physicians in France last year alone. A total of 70 million people could leave Nigeria for Europe over the next five years.”


Lokál, April 5, page 6

 A Migrant Murdered Two Women and Lived with Their Corpses for Months

Africans Committed Rape in Prague

An Immigrant Committed a Stabbing While Shouting Allahu Akbar

Orbán: the Fence Protects Budapest as Well

See entire post.